Book Review - Managing India's Nuclear Forces

 REVIEW-ARTICLE BY SURESH BANGARA

"MANAGING INDIA'S NUCLEAR FORCES"- VERGHESE KOITHARA (ROUTLEDGE TAYLOR AND FRANCIS GROUP)

"What an esoteric subject?" some would say. Most of our knowledgeable citizens would know little about matters nuclear and even less  about our Nuclear Forces. Management of such a force is best left to the professionals, you might think. But as in all matters of state, where tax payers money is committed, every citizen has a right to know how his money is being spent. Moreover, since it is the combined efforts of scientists and the users,i.e. the Military, who plan and run operations under the overall control of the Government of the day, information on such matters are understandably closely guarded. Nevertheless there is a definite need to encourage the emergence of a vibrant breed of scholars and analysts who can contribute significantly to the Nuclear debate in India. This book eminently serves that purpose and hence is a valuable addition to the literature on the subject.

In a vibrant democracy, academics and specialists in this field are expected to keep the debate on nuclear issues alive, on all aspects contained in open source material. In a country as young as India, there is a reluctance to share information owing to near absence of policy on declassification of information and the acute feeling of insecurity among those who occupy high office.

The author of this book, Vice Admiral Verghese Koithara (Retd), is a rare example of one who was not privy to  Management of  Nuclear Forces. He had to first understand the nuances of production of nuclear weapons, the delivery systems in all three dimensions,i.e. air, surface and underwater, the Command and control facilities, policy formulations,geo strategic and geo economic imperatives, strategic analysis and finally the operational deployment of such weapons.

Given the scarcity of material on such subjects and the scanty indigenous written material, he had to seek views of experts of repute in the western hemisphere too. Thus the uniqueness of our nuclear programme was matched, if only, by the unique efforts of the author who has received compliments from reputed personalities. This  includes, Arun Singh, Stephen Cohen, Ashley Tellis,  Rodney W Jones and Arun Prakash, among others. Arguably, some of his deductions are hypothetical-not entirely based, albeit, on hard to get empirical evidence- and some inferred from discussions with  knowledgeable sources.

The Author has opted to arrange his thoughts under 12 lucidly written chapters which target both the nuclear community and the scholars who are desirous of noting the perspectives of a Military mind. Notable books by Indian authors on India's nuclear programme were written by a Raj Chengappa and Bharat Karnad. The author, however, rightly points out that the subject of 'management of nuclear forces has been largely avoided' till now.

The Introductory chapter makes a few assumptions which may need deliberation. The first pertains to the scientific community assuming all control over the nuclear programme, owing to their association with its earlier benign avatar of peaceful nuclear experiments. The author also implies that the 'barren relations' between the Political leadership and the Military, post independence, was a contributory factor for the exclusion of the Military in all policy formulations.

Peter Douglas Fever, in his well acknowledged book, 'Guarding the guardian' outlines the continuous and ongoing struggle for over six decades, between the Civilians and the Military in USA, on matters of custody and use of the nuclear bomb. While discussing the chapter on the atomic energy act and the origin of assertive control, he traces the inevitable contradiction on modes of control. He establishes that the increase in the inventory of nuclear weapons and the changing threat to US security, had  led to more and more of delegative control to their military. This was necessitated more by operational and safety imperatives. He also infers that the battle for assertive and delegative control would continue to be fought even in countries with a strong, time- tested democratic polity. Technology based safety/launch  controls would eventually play an important role in resolving the optimal mode of control of nuclear weapons.

It is true that our Military could have been involved from day one as was the case in  Project Manhattan, which incidentally had a team of serving officers outside the direct control of the Military. There is little doubt that the Military has considerable experience of storage, transportation and safety of any weapon system. The Indian model however used the expertise of serving military officers in most activities related to weaponisation,albeit, under the close scrutiny of Civilian scientists. In the Indian context the lack of experience in dealing with the Military, understanding their ethos and their fierce loyalty to the' team', as also the comfort of political leaders to work closely with civilian scientists, largely contributed to the adoption of assertive control. More pertinently, the Politico-Military interface in India and the maturing of such a relationship is still under review, while the same had matured considerably in USA, post the Civil War and the Great wars. That the whole process of development and deployment of nuclear weapons in India, was managed without serious mishaps is a tribute to the maturity of all concerned. Ours is indeed a 'unique model', as the author describes it.

Perhaps the author has flagged this controversial issue to emphasise the need to find an early resolution to the Civil-Military anomalies that continue to  sequester the Armed forces from all policy formulations related to National security. Hopefully the creation of  Strategic Forces Command(SFC),would largely, if not entirely, fill the void. However the need to integrate the armed forces under a single operational head, as also the MOD with the service headquarters, is sine qua non of Managing nuclear forces. Hence the repeated thrust on the systemic changes urgently required in India.

In order to remain focused on the Indian context, this article examines practical issues of force management raised in the book rather than the interpretation of the theory of strategic consideration,deterrence,hardware etc. These have been well covered by many an expert of NWS. The author has merely touched upon the relevance of these topics as a backdrop to his assertions.

 While commenting on the Force Management System, the author makes three telling points. First, that the Indian Ministry of Defence, has by default or design, or both, abdicated its role to the 'strategic enclave'. This is a term coined to describe the tight control exercised by the scientists of the Department of Atomic Energy(DAE),Department of Space(DOS) and Department of Defence Research and Development(DRDO).

That a 'strategic enclave' came into existence can possibly be attributed to the two volumes of Business Rules for Ministries, issued in  1961, under the constitutional powers vested in the President. This document, reportedly modified on numerous occasions, failed to assign any role to the senior hierarchy of the Armed forces of India. To this day they continue to function as attached offices of MOD. Ironically when the decision to go nuclear was taken, the MOD themselves remained out of the loop as no attempt was made to amend the business rules of the Govt,owing to secrecy of the project and the experimental nature of its development. Consequently, since DAE and DOS and later DRDO- all run by scientists who had the ears of the PMO- did not find the need to involve MOD. It perhaps became a functional necessity to permit DAE,DOS and DRDO to wear multiple hats with delegated powers, so as to expedite decision making. In hind sight, this informal arrangement contributed (until recently) to the successful completion of space, nuclear and missile programmes of India. It also promoted better integration and cross pollination among these functionally intertwined departments.

The other significant point to note is that, much like the armed forces, the members of the strategic enclave, are professionals who remain in the department for decades, as opposed to the staff of MOD who continue to be "Rolling Stones". They neither have a need for long term perspective nor the loyalty to the department they serve, due to such short stints. In any event had the MOD been involved in this programme,  every aspect related to weapon and force configuration would have had to be referred to the three service headquarters. None among the bureaucracy would have had the knowledge to respond to nuclear force related issues. By functioning as a post office, MOD could not have met the time schedules of this programme, even with best intentions. The RM, in his individual capacity may have been in the loop from time to time.

The above may suggest that the decision taken to keep MOD out of the loop was a fortuitous one. This however does not augur well for the Military, who would ultimately bear the responsibility, God forbid, to use the weapon in anger. Our unique model thus found the next best answer,i.e. to selectively  involve uniformed officers to fill the void in operationalisation of the  weapon. Indeed, there is a high degree of probability that the programme was successful due to the unstinted support of numerous specialists from the Armed forces of India. They chose to remain anonymous and unrecognised to date. It is this that facilitated the seamless operational transition to SFC, which came into being in January,2003.

Yes, ours was a unique model which did not follow the Western example, simply because there were no organisational structures which even remotely resembled the established structures of the West. That we have reached an acceptable level of operational readiness may soon lead to less emphasis on the US/Soviet model, which has hitherto monopolised all discussion on the subject. 'Necessity being a mother of all inventions', we could expect to see many more organisational variants  among aspiring NWS, in the years ahead.

Secondly, the author   very correctly brings out the inadequacies in Cabinet Committee on Security(CCS) and National Security Council(NSC) both with no active participation of the Armed Forces. This is an area of deep concern in the context of Nuclear Operations. Business rules would need to rewritten to address the direct involvement of services in these structures, perhaps, after implementing the pending decisions on CDS and integration of MOD. These are prerequisites to a meaningful and effective C&C structure. Here again we could have an Indian variation, but prudence dictates the active participation of the custodians and end users of the weapon, even as we are poised to deploy the third dimension of the nuclear triad.

Third, the author has adequately flagged the dominant role played by the PM and NSA without the formal involvement of the Armed forces. At the apex level, without the active involvement of serving personnel from the forces, it is well nigh impossible to plan and coordinate deployment and launch, that too, of a second strike. Short cuts have been resorted to by employing retired senior officers to sustain the programme. Wearing multiple hats and following adhoc procedures,which may be possible at the developmental stages of a project, are a recipe for disaster in the long term. The recently alleged scam in DOS, should suffice to underline the damage caused by a self perpetuating system, with little or no checks and balances.

The chapter on Nuclear strategy clearly articulates the need to debate the principles of deterrence and the considerations for a well structured policy. The absence of white paper and clearly spelt out and documented National security strategy has led many to believe that we do not have a culture to strategise. In reality, this has not been spelt out by the Government of the day, owing to inability on the part of the MOD to write anything of substance without the help of service headquarters. It would, however be erroneous to deduce that mere absence of a document implies total absence of operational  plans to deliver when the chips are down. The Indian  Military is more than capable of rising to the occasion when required. However, it would be imprudent to assume that they can deliver every time, despite continued systemic weaknesses that remain unaddressed.

The Author devotes a chapter to MOD. There are some comparison with Israel and UK,who also have a Parliamentary system of governance.. A good system of Governance is predicated on the fact that Ministers and Parliamentarians would be well educated on matters security. Alas, that is not the case in India. It would be unrealistic to think that this situation will improve in the near future. To realise dreams that have taken a century or more in well established democracies, we would at best hope to compress the time for development and maturity to the extent possible. The political reality of our story, could have added some weight to  this chapter.

The final chapter of 'Many Faceted Challenges', raises some exciting topics for scholars and analysts to debate. The author, juxtaposes a view held by some, that India may rely on the nuclear protection of USA. Some of the tacit assumptions quoted by him and the view on reliance on USA can best be hypothetical in content. It may also be unkind to those who worked to build an indigenous capability despite the constraints of technology denial regimes.

The involvement of NCA in frequent sessions of war gaming and table top situations is necessary to enable them to arrive at decisions based on analysis. This is even more relevant to India and Pakistan, as both have assumed that the Political leadership can deliver when required without due preparation and understanding of the nuclear environment. Getting them into the Operations Room as often as possible would indeed pose a challenge.

Admiral Koithara has stirred up a hornet's nest. Nothing but good would emerge from it, provided the academics, scholars and analysts start a much needed debate. A student and a researcher would do well to capture the essence of Managing Nuclear Forces-a virgin topic  on offer.

 Vice Admiral SCS Bangara, Former C-in-C of Southern Naval Command, was the first Deputy Chief (Operations) of Integrated Defence Headquarters. He was also the Chairman of  Joint Operations under COSC. 

http://www.bharatdefencekavach.com/News/16037_REVIEW-ARTICLE-BY-SURESH-BANGARA--MANAGING-INDIA-S-NUCLEAR-FORCES--.html

MUSING FROM COLOMBO

               
I have just returned from a visit to Colombo-my first since the end of conflict.The first part of my visit was devoted to Confidence Building Measures in South Asian Waters. A group of academics,analysts and very senior Naval officers grappled with issues that cause accidents and animosity. When such incidents are prevented as in this case, they turn into great opportunities for cooperation.

The second part was to deliver a talk at the well established Defence Services Command and Staff College where I was received with warmth and courtesy. But that is another story. Let me narrate the story relevant to most. How do we honour sacrifices of Soldiers and in particular those who make the supreme sacrifice. We have been debating and "Actively Considering" the need to build a war memorial for our own soldiers,Sailors and Airmen for very nearly 40 years. Jaw-jawing without results. Any number of excuses without concrete measures-all too familiar. "We are like that only" some would say.

See what the Srilankans have done. They have erected a simple but elegant memorial in honour of our gallant military men who laid down their lives during the Indian Peace Keeping Operations(IPKF) .Every single name is engraved for those who wish to remember and touch them. I am told that senior Indian officials do lay a wreath there. Whether the tourists from India are aware of the memorial is not clear to me.

The war memorial is very close to their own memorial. It is not that some empty space was made available for us. It is the prime location in the vicinity of the imposing Parliament structure.I found the visit to be an emotional experience.The Indian Military was ordered to move to Srilanka by the Government of India without adequate preparations. Many precious lives were lost  and who remembers them now. It is not even a foot note in our history. Many valuable lessons on Higher Defence Management were never learnt. Each service of our military operated independently with bare minimum cooperation.

To top it all, our Prime Minister who was to inaugurate the Memorial during his visit to Colombo failed to do so. The specially prepared plaque remained covered, as if to cover our shame. No prizes for guessing. Coalition Politics and pressure from Tamilnadu..Having laid down his life does the poor soldier deserve this neglect? Do we have a National perspective of National interests or are we regionally driven solely by Regional agenda? When will we stop being apologetic and stop using coalition politics as an excuse for lack of spine?

And now to some observations.Peace has brought its dividends. Flurry of infrastructure development, tourism,easy and uninhibited movements during day and night. More and more relaxed and cheerful faces on the streets.Paradoxically, boat full of illegal emigrants running away from Srilanka were intercepted by the Srilanka Navy.What were they running away from? Trained man power vanishes faster than they can be trained. Population is set to drop rather precipitously.. According to an expert the replacement figures have dropped to 0.75(2.1 is the rate required to sustain existing levels) Labour is hard to find. There are speculations that Indian Labour would need to be brought in to sustain construction activities.

Lastly my bank called me to check whether I had used my credit card in Srilanka. On hearing an affirmative response from me, they conveyed their recommendation to immediately replace my card. They claim that disproportionately large number of cases of data compromise of cards for malafide use, emanate from Colombo.This is a multinational bank and their facts and figures of locations abroad are reported to be authentic. Here is one way of using technology to get rich' quickly'.

MANAGING NUCLEAR ASSETS

http://www.businessstandard.com/india/news/s-c-s-bangara-managing-nuclear-assets/451099/


The above article on Managing Nuclear assets was published ironically on 02 oct 2011 by Business Standard. Posted on blog site for the benefit of those who wish to read.

POLITICISATION OF THE MILITARY

Mitt Romney recently accused Barak Obama of politicisation of capturing and eliminating Osama. Such operations in the United States are executed by a small team of multi-disciplinary agencies under the direct Command of the Supreme Commander, the President. Also while all the facts of the operation are placed before the President, the final decision to execute the operation is that of the President alone. Those of us, who are familiar with the White House-Pentagon-CIA network which compiles the action plan, are quite aware of the briefing that precedes such operations and at times the gaming and modelling of real time environment. Contradictions have to be resolved by the President before he enunciates his decision in unambiguous terms, both for purposes of record, as also to facilitate clear directives to the executing agency. Given that operations concerning US national interests are frequent, owing to their global perspectives, the team that operates with the President would have sufficient time and experience to provide all the necessary inputs and clarification. Their deductions are generally supported by highly sophisticated technology based decision support systems. Mock drills and simulations of possible scenarios are an integral part of preparing the President and his team of experts, especially in the nuclear Command and Control structure.

If the President thereafter chooses to exploit the success of such operations during his political campaign, it would perhaps be considered appropriate.

In direct comparison, the Indian scene is radically different. The Prime Minister who heads the Cabinet Committee on security has to function as a part of the committee. Depending on the style of leadership of the individual he may or may not assume the role of Primus interpares.

The Indian Military is not to date structured to provide a single point advisory role to the CCS, on operational matters, as each service head is expected to control his force and deploy them as required by the directive of the Govt.There are no integrated theatre commands(save the Andaman and Nicobar tri service command and the Strategic Forces Command) and  hence tri service operations are often led by the service which has a greater role in the execution and in some cases may even necessitate different Operational commanders for different phases of operation. That we have managed to deliver satisfactory results is not because the institutional mechanism was in place but because we have so far not been tested by a relatively strong enemy.

Quite naturally, many political leaders who constitute the highest decision making body on national security, may retire without being exposed to an operational scenario. This is compounded by the fact that lessons learnt during such operations are classified- never to be released for the benefit of the next generation.

The Ministry of defence during war, plays a supporting role, for, they are neither equipped nor trained to understand operations...Their role in war is a constructive one. They are required to execute  clear cut procedures contained in the War book in support of logistics and inter Ministerial coordination The Military Commanders are allowed to control the flow of operations without any interference so long as the Political objectives of the operations are met. Thus despite the lack of constant interaction between the senior Military officers and the Political leadership, the operations are conducted as professionally as possible, by competent military commanders who spend all their life in preparing for operational contingencies.

What then are the apprehensions of Politicisation of the Military in our context? Long periods of relative peace on our borders but unusually long deployment in less than war situations, primarily to fight insurgency, has resulted in an undesirable environment for any Military: in particular a Military which operates in a democratic polity. The primary role of preparing for full scale war has had to be tweaked to cater for a never ending deployment for less than war situations. Much has been said and written about the ill effects of using a large forc.e to police our own territory while issues of adequate governance and socio-economic development in the neglected areas have been ignored due to the temporary confidence created by the Military “successes”. There have been constant debates within the Military to contain the damage caused to the psyche of a warrior who is exposed to aggressive containment of internal strife. What is not discussed publicly is lost opportunity to groom young officers in simple officership, their role in a democracy, the responsibilities of the state, the expectations of the people of India, the need to remain secular in increasingly polarised religious, ethnic, linguistic bodies. Above all on how to remain apolitical.  This is the grooming process not through courses but by word of mouth of Commanding officers and Commanders in the field. The time allotted to grooming has been completely diverted to operations, almost from the day one begins his journey.  .Is it a surprise that relatively senior officers have begun to question the fundamentals on which the Military edifice is built? Have we not unwittingly exposed men in Military uniform to corrupt practises and deep rooted political intricacies that promote extra constitutional processes?

We need to go back to the drawing board to restructure our training to cater to the needs of a   young democracy with neither an informed political leadership nor a bureaucracy which is capable of enabling the interaction between the two major players.

While the imperatives to restructure training should evolve from within the Military, the institutional weaknesses caused by lack of integration within the Armed Forces and between the military and the MOD can be easily addressed by merely implementing the recommendations of many eminent committees. These reports have so far been selectively implemented or consumed to dust.. Professionalising the decision making process in matters security, is the most vital task confronting the Government of India.

  This article was published by Bharat defence kavach. See http://www.bharatdefencekavach.com/News/12945_POLITICISATION-OF-THE-MILITARY.html

Election Commission-trying their best?

CRIMINALIZATION OF POLITICS

PPI has been in touch with the Election Commission on a number of measures suggested by EC to the Government of India on electoral reforms. It is a well known fact that De-criminalization of politics is a priority area in cleansing the political canvas of India. While this point has been acknowledged by almost all authorities, as one which will have salutary effect on matters related to eliminating corruption and promoting good governance, there appears to be no consensus among major political parties to comprehensively address the legislations which are required to eliminate outdated laws and empower the executive.

This news letter briefly outlines the current position on the subject. Given that a number of amendments proposed by EC have failed to be acted upon and that courts have shown an inclination to support the EC during the conduct of elections, adopting the PIL route appears to be the only option for the citizens of India. Hence a group of NGOs approached the Supreme Court (536/2011). Under article 32 of the Constitution of India they sought to take the election reforms to the next higher level in pursuance of eradication of Criminalisation of Politics.

 The continued use of money and muscle power, the ubiquitous presence of criminals in Lok Sabha, the absence of verification of source of fund used by candidates, the absence of audit of funds held by political parties and related issues have been documented in the PIL. The provisions contained in the representation of people’s act 1951 have been questioned in the context of its relevance.

The most worrying aspect of the whole sordid episode is that the Supreme Court had, in a judgement in 1997 while hearing a case Dinesh Trivedi, MP,ors versus Union Of India,  noted with alarm, the devastating impact of having criminals run amok in politics. It had asked the President of India to set up a high level committee in consultation with the PM and the Speaker of the Lok Sabha in order to eliminate nexus between criminals, politicians and bureaucrats as inferred in the Vohra Committee report too. What do you think happened thereafter? A nodal agency was nominated which we gather has met 36 times and has come out with no tangible action plan. The nexus continues to haunt us and there is no immediate relief to the citizen of India.

PPI wants you to join us, to keep this topic in the public domain, so that there is sufficient pressure on the political parties in Parliament, the President of India and the Supreme Court. You can do it by electronic means, word of mouth, joining the group of NGOs and finding every opportunity to draw the attention of the President to the pending request of the Supreme Court. Good governance and elimination of corruption are heavily dependent on De-criminalization of Politics.

Let us take a professional route to fight  Criminalization of Politics.     

Jai Hind.

Talibanomics

TALIBANOMICS- A SATIRICAL EXPOSE

The subject of economics, perse and Economists have captured my imagination for decades. I am neither familiar with the former nor the latter and hence have been trying to make sense of Macro/Microeconomics so that I am ready to face the awkward questions posed by my Grand children. A recent article that Pakistan is seriously considering lifting the ban on transportation of US and NATO goods to Afghanistan, after the ban imposed to retaliate for the Drone operations against “civilian” targets; took me back to my days in Pakistan.

President Zia was busy with the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and the rather generous Military and economic aid received from the USA.He had in fact rejected the first package which he titled as “Peanuts”. That peanut can be converted to cashew or almond through manipulation of events was the first lesson that I learnt in economics. It was not written in books but practised by the creators of Taliban. That Billions of dollars flooded Pakistan during the next decade was proof enough. Apart from the official aid which is quantifiable, a number of ancillary industries stood to gain within Pakistan. In the mid and late 80’s,one had to merely visit Peshawar and beyond to buy any weapon of choice in the “chor Bazaar”. It included the state of art shoulder fired surface to air missiles. What about stores, communication equipment, clothing, blankets ,small arms etc, which could be bought at subsidised prices if paid for in Dollars?

Although American or NATO troops were not present then and were not even welcome in Pakistan,  shipping in Karachi registered a very healthy growth. Carrying goods to be offloaded at Karachi, thence to the border areas with Afghanistan was a profitable business, with the veterans of Pakistan running transportation as a core business. US naval ships began to visit Karachi for R&R despite liquor not being available in the open market. Suitable measures were invented to accommodate US naval personnel to drink to their hearts content in five star hotels of Karachi. Carpets and onyx sold like hot cakes. Our estimation of dollars earned during such visits to Karachi ran into millions (A million dollars was a humongous amount in the 80’s). This of course included bunkering, catering, fresh vegetables and fruits etc. A collapsing economy was rejuvenated. No questions were asked on how the money was spent and how staggered repayments were to be executed. During many off --the record discussions with knowledgeable Pakistanis, the same punch line was heard. “Americans can be conned in many ways. Who is going to repay any money? Don’t you understand simple economics? You Indians claim to be banias-but learn from us” This a second lesson in economics which proved to be right two decades later when the economy was about to collapse and was promptly rescued.

In the early 80’s Indian roads were filled with Ambassador and Fiat cars. Telephones were rare, infrastructure was archaic (it still is) and license Raj was at its pinnacle. In Pakistan however, modern cars were plying, roads were in good condition at least in the larger cities, piped gas serviced most homes. The middle class and above were enjoying the privileges of a dollar funded economy. President Zia was accessible to many who wished to meet him, especially Indian luminaries who were received at the door of the Presidents house and seen off too. They would cackle away for the rest of their lives on how humane a man he was. But then few knew about his plans to “Bleed India through a thousand cuts” That is another story. Lesson 3, "Investments must be made in visible sectors which in turn invite not only more investments but good will too. Suitable gifts to visitors presented in a discrete and  humble manner pay rich dividends." Ask the many US congressmen and high-profile visitors from round the world when  Zia ruled Pakistan

And now let us fast forward to Zardari and his Pakistan. Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan is a better business deal. The beneficiaries of this business are many organizations, no matter how disparate they may be. This segment extends from Veterans of Pak Army who control 30% of the tanker business to many who run the 8000 to 10000 truck consignments. The withdrawal of US troops would increase heavy lift loads. The next lesson in economics kicks in now. “Do not let a productive business wither away”. In other words how to keep the Americans and NATO engaged in the general area? The stakes are too high. The entire tribal belt lives on protection money paid to them for the safe passage of the convoy. What is more they are kept busy and quiet.

The immediate worry for Zardari is the 1.3 Billion$ with held from the Coalition support fund. The route has to be opened forth with. So what if the Americans do not apologise? The parliament merely expressed their sentiments. Here is the next lesson in Talibanomics ,-“do not let sentiments and emotions come in the way of funding support of reasonable proportion. Delays  in decision making and noise levels in public should be directly proportional to the size of foreign aid”

A lesson or two to our mandarins in the finance ministry. Why disturb the status quo in the telecom sector with such high stakes? Ask the Pakis for some advice on killing a goose that lays golden eggs- before confabulating with the Norwegians and the Russians.

We could add TALIBANOMICS to SWAMINOMICS-perhaps?

ANECDOTES ON ENVIRONMENT

ANECDOTES ON ENVIRONMENT-A SHORT JOURNEY INTO THE PAST         

Post retirement activities can be very challenging and occasionally very stimulating and satisfying too. Faced as I am, with wide ranging activities , I declined an invitation to be on a distinguished panel of experts on Environment- an occasion designed to involve corporates, educationists, academics and students- in the cause of protecting the environment.

A young but determined founder of a NGO for Tree Planting, who was the organizer of the event, refused to accept my plea of ignorance. He repeatedly drew my attention to the sterling work undertaken by the Armed forces of India, towards protecting and improving our environment. Confronted by a fiercely committed young man, I was obliged to put my thinking cap on, so that in the presence of highly qualified experts, I could voice a layman’s perspective of the last 60 years, before articulating the determination displayed by the Armed Forces to fight all types of pollution in regard to environment.

Thanks to this unique call, I was able to journey into my past to introspect based on my observations; also with hind sight. This blog only covers the journey backwards in time. Perhaps many of you of my vintage can relate to my experience. If so, we stand exposed, as those who let down the next generation, on crucial issues pertaining to protection of our environment.

Economists will tell us the relationship between per capita income and the will to address environment related issues. It is said that crossing the barrier of US Dollar 5000(in PPP terms) is significant in appreciating the need to address pollution related problems and taking proactive measures to reduce damage to the environment. My early child hood memories are all about villages’ enroute to coffee estates of the south. Poor and illiterate as they were, their commitment to Mother Nature was so rich and their folk lore and anecdotes so telling on the need to protect the environment from all forms of pillage and plundering, that it had indeed left a deep impression on my sub-conscious mind. Nothing to do with income or affluence? We were taught at every stage to understand flora and fauna, coexist with nature, use herbal medicines for all forms of diseases, and appreciate the interdependence of humans with flora and fauna. Most of all we were urged to pass on by word of mouth so that knowledge acquired over centuries is not forgotten or obliterated in the name of modern science.

If Yajnavalkya Smriti the Indian Text on State craft and Jurisprudence, written in 5^th century AD had a chapter on the ill effects of felling trees and Kautalya’s Arthashashtra had advice on Forest Administration, why and how did we lose track of our responsibilities towards protecting environment.?

Continuing with the past, if I were to list the positives of our way of life in 1950’s, some features stand out. Discipline and strict adherence to rule of law were cornerstones of life. Even a simple Government run school in a taluka,was clean, well maintained and well managed. The teachers were dedicated to the profession and hence were much respected in the community. Punishments to erring students were instant and the support of the parents to enforce such punishments was unshakeable. Great emphasis was laid on environment consciousness and customs and traditions. Energy efficiency even when electricity was inaccessible was ingrained in us. Gobar, camphor, thatched roofs etc were eco friendly pesticides, insecticides and renewable and affordable ingredients of consumption. Rivers and lakes were kept spotlessly clean-no plastics, no effluents, least of all human and animal faeces. Quality of water down -stream was the responsibility of those dwelling up stream. Water holes and ponds were kept clean by village and town administrators who were always at the service of the people. Trees were never harmed.

And then came the rat-race of my generation. Urbanisation, unruly, unplanned spread of towns and cities and a strong urge to look outwards(towards the west) rather than learn from our past. Overpowering consumerism and wanton destruction of the environment soon followed. Rest is history.

The silver lining is the reappearance of a little emphasis on the subject, in schools. My 13 year old granddaughter can lecture me on how to protect our environment and show our concern for the generations to follow. There is hope. After the terrible destruction caused during WW1&2, in particular, destruction of Nagasaki and Hiroshima, have we not recovered and to a great extent alleviated horrors of such destruction? Let us put our shoulders to the wheel, no matter how weak!

Abhishek, this is dedicated to you and your gallant friends.

(753 words)